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The Dominican Republic has recently authorized the United States to use airport and airbase facilities on Dominican soil for regional security and anti-trafficking operations. This includes access to Las Américas International Airport and the San Isidro Air Base, creating a new level of cooperation between the two countries at a time when the Caribbean is facing heightened instability. While the agreement is framed as a strategic move against narcotics trafficking and organized crime, the implications reach far beyond military logistics. The decision immediately raises questions about how this shift will affect not only the Dominican Republic’s long, complicated relationship with the United States but also Haiti, which sits at the center of regional security concerns.
The Dominican Republic and the United States share a partnership defined by necessity and tension. Their relationship has never been fully harmonious, marked by disagreements over immigration, security practices, and human rights. The United States frequently criticizes the Dominican Republic’s treatment of Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent, while the Dominican government argues that Washington interferes too much in its internal affairs. At the same time, the Dominican Republic has long depended on the United States economically. Tourism, trade, remittances, and foreign investment make the United States one of the country’s most important partners. Despite their friction, both governments recognize that cooperation is essential.
The new airport arrangement demonstrates how deeply the Dominican Republic understands its strategic value. By granting access to U.S. forces, the Dominican government is signaling its willingness to cooperate when the partnership aligns with national interests. With Haiti’s security crisis intensifying, gang violence rising, and border pressures increasing, the Dominican Republic knows it cannot manage the risks alone. Closer coordination with the United States strengthens Dominican defenses while positioning the country as a key player in Caribbean stability. In return, the Dominican Republic gains greater leverage to seek military support, economic benefits, and diplomatic backing.
For Haiti, the consequences are complex. Haiti’s collapsing infrastructure, unstable security environment, and limited control over its own airspace reduce its influence in regional decision-making. With its main airport restricted by violence and its government struggling to respond to national crises, Haiti simply does not have the capacity to negotiate major aviation or security agreements. When the United States turns to the Dominican Republic instead, it reflects Haiti’s diminished regional presence. Decisions affecting Haiti are increasingly being made without Haiti sitting at the table.
Yet Haiti still stands to benefit indirectly. U.S. operations aimed at curbing drug trafficking, weapons flow, and organized crime affect Haiti as much as the Dominican Republic. Any effort to disrupt criminal networks in the region can slow the movement of arms and funds that fuel Haitian gangs. Even if the assistance is not directed toward the Haitian government, the country may experience improved security conditions as a result of strengthened U.S.–Dominican cooperation.
However, the shift carries risks. The Dominican Republic may feel emboldened to tighten its border policies, increase deportations, or take harsher positions toward Haitian migrants knowing that the United States relies on its territory for strategic operations. With Washington working closely with the Dominican Republic on regional security, Haiti could see itself further marginalized in diplomatic discussions. Haiti is the subject of the security conversation but not the leader of it, a dynamic shaped by the country’s weakened institutions and ongoing crisis.
The evolving relationship between the Dominican Republic and the United States forms a delicate triangle with Haiti positioned in the middle. Dominican cooperation gives the United States stronger reach in the Caribbean, while the Dominican Republic gains influence and security support. Haiti, meanwhile, faces both potential benefits and unintended consequences. The region’s future depends on how this partnership develops and whether Haiti eventually regains enough stability to reclaim its role in shaping decisions that directly affect its sovereignty and its people.
Sa Akò Ayewopò Dominikani an ak Etazini Vle Di pou Lavni Ayiti
Repiblik Dominikèn sot bay Etazini otorizasyon pou itilize kèk ayewopò ak baz aeryen sou tè dominiken pou operasyon sekirite rejyonal ak kont trafik dwòg. Sa gen ladan aksè ak Ayewopò Entènasyonal Las Américas ak Baz Aeryen San Isidro. Se yon nouvo nivo kolaborasyon ant de peyi yo nan yon moman kote Karayib la ap fè fas ak plis enstabilite. Pandan akò a prezante kòm yon estrateji pou konbat trafik dwòg ak krim òganize, desizyon an pote konsekans ki ale pi lwen. Sa leve kesyon sou ki jan chanjman sa a ap afekte relasyon Dominikani ak Etazini epi ki enpak sa gen pou Ayiti, ki se sant pwoblèm sekirite rejyonal la.
Relasyon ant Repiblik Dominikèn ak Etazini toujou te konplike. De peyi yo depann youn sou lòt, men yo souvan gen friksyon. Gen pwoblèm imigrasyon kote Etazini souvan depòte sitwayen dominiken ki gen dosye kriminèl, e Repiblik Dominikèn kritike fason sa fèt. An menm tan, Etazini konn fè presyon sou Dominikani pou tretman li bay Ayisyen ak Dominiken ki gen desandan ayisyen, yon bagay otorite dominiken wè kòm entèferans. Men malgre dezakò sa yo, Repiblik Dominikèn depann anpil de Etazini pou touris, komès, transfè lajan, ak envestisman. Se yon relasyon ki pa toujou cho, men ki nesesè pou tou de peyi yo.
Nouvo aranjman ayewopò a montre kijan Repiblik Dominikèn konprann valè estratejik li. Lè li bay Etazini aksè ak enstalasyon li yo, li ap montre li pare pou kolabore lè li wè avantaj ladan. Avèk kriz sekirite Ayiti a ki ap vin pi grav, vyolans gang k ap ogmante, ak presyon sou fwontyè a, Repiblik Dominikèn konnen li pa ka jere risk yo pou kont li. Kolaborasyon sere ak Etazini ranfòse pwoteksyon dominiken yo e mete peyi a kòm yon aktè kle nan estabilite Karayib la. An retou, Repiblik Dominikèn jwenn plis pouvwa pou mande sipò militè, avantaj ekonomik, ak pwoteksyon diplomatik.
Pou Ayiti, konsekans yo melanje. Enfrastrikti ki kraze, ensekirite ki vin pi fò, ak feblès pouvwa leta fè Ayiti pèdi kapasite pou patisipe nan gwo negosyasyon rejyonal. Ayewopò prensipal peyi a limite akòz vyolans, epi gouvènman an ap lite pou reponn ak kriz nasyonal la. Lè Etazini chwazi itilize tè dominiken olye de tè ayisyen, sa montre Ayiti pa gen menm pwa nan desizyon enpòtan yo. Peyi a ap sibi efè yo, menm lè li pa nan tab negosyasyon an.
Men Ayiti ka benefisye endirèkteman. Operasyon Etazini ap mennen pou konbat trafik dwòg, zam, ak krim òganize nan rejyon an ka frape rezo ki alimante gang Ayiti yo. Menmsi èd la pa vize dirèkteman gouvènman an, peyi a ka santi yon soulajman nan sekirite si operasyon yo diminye kapasite gang yo.
Malgre sa, genyen risk. Repiblik Dominikèn ka pran pozisyon pi di sou fwontyè a, ogmante depòtasyon, oswa adopte mezi pi sevè kont migran ayisyen yo, sitou si li santi Etazini depann de li pou operasyon estratejik yo. Avèk Etazini k ap kontinye travay sere ak Dominikani, Ayiti ka jwenn tèt li pi lwen toujou nan diskisyon diplomatik ki konsène lavni li. Peyi a vin sijè konvèsasyon an san li pa lidè l.
Relasyon ki egziste ant Etazini, Repiblik Dominikèn, ak Ayiti kreye yon triyang delika kote Ayiti toujou nan mitan presyon an. Kolaborasyon Etazini ak Dominikani bay Etazini plis enfliyans nan Karayib la, e li bay Dominikani plis pouvwa ak sipò sekirite. Pandanstan, Ayiti ap sibi konsekan yo, genyen kèk benefis endirèk, men li riske pèdi plis kontwòl sou pwòp avni li. Kijan relasyon sa yo ap devlope nan ane k ap vini yo ap detèmine si Ayiti va reprann plas li nan desizyon ki konsène souverènte ak sekirite pèp li.
